Showing posts with label Reviews. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Reviews. Show all posts

Monday, January 08, 2007

What I'm Reading

I've decided to add a new feature to Security Dilemmas: What I'm Reading. Starting today, I'll be posting about the books I'm reading that may be of interest to readers of this blog. When I've finished the books, I'll post reviews. Links to the books will be included down below the "Recommended Reading" blog roll.

First up, Max Boot's War Made New: Technology, Warfare, and the Course of History 1500 to Today. From Amazon's web page:

From Publishers Weekly
From bronze cannons to smart bombs, this engaging study examines the impact of new weaponry on war by spotlighting exemplary battles, including famous epics like the defeat of the Spanish Armada and the attack on Pearl Harbor along with obscure clashes like the 1898 Battle of Omdurman, in which a British colonial force mowed down Sudanese tribesmen with machine guns. Boot (The Savage Wars of Peace: Small Wars and the Rise of American Power) gives due weight to social context: advanced weapons don't spell victory unless accompanied by good training and leadership; innovative doctrine; an efficient, well-funded bureaucracy; and a "battle culture of forbearance" that eschews warrior ferocity in favor of a soldierly ethos of disciplined stoicism under fire. These factors flourish, he contends, under a rationalist, progressive Western mindset. The author, a journalist and senior fellow at the Council on Foreign Relations, enlivens his war stories with profiles of generals from Gustavus Adolphus to Norman Schwarzkopf and splashes of blood and guts. Boot distills 500 years of military history into a well-paced, insightful narrative. (Oct.)
Copyright © Reed Business Information, a division of Reed Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.

Lt. Gen. Bernard E. Trainor, USMC (ret.), coauthor of Cobra II: The Inside Story of the Invasion and Occupation of Iraq
War Made New is impressive in scope. What is equally impressive is its unique interpretation of the causal relationship between technology, warfare and the contemporary social milieu. This is a superb thinking-person's book, which scrutinizes conventional historical wisdom through a new lens.

Friday, June 16, 2006

Book Review: The Cold War

Continuing with reviews of the books I'm reading this summer, #2:

The Cold War: A New History, John Lewis Gaddis (New York: The Penguin Press, 2005).

The United States was as much, if not more, to blame for the emergence of the Cold War. The US post-World War II threatened Soviet interests by pushing on Soviet borders, offering the Marshall Plan to countries well within the Soviet sphere of influence, and otherwise pushing the Russians up against a wall where they had no choice but to challenge the US through the latter half of the 20th century. This is (or was) the argument of the "revisionist" historians who blamed the Cold War on US economic expansion that threatened Stalin and Soviet interests and power.

This new history of the Cold War, concise and sweeping, by Gaddis thoroughly demolishes and lays to rest any notions that the US or the West was to blame for the Cold War. Building off of his remarkable We Now Know: Rethinking Cold War History, Gaddis uses recently opened Soviet archives to reveal to what great extent the Soviets really were intent on world domination and the expansion -- sometimes by force, sometimes by persuasion -- of communism.

Gaddis focuses on several themes with which to frame the Cold War: those who challenged Soviet ideology in different ways (Pope John Paul II, Lech Walesa, Ronald Reagan) make up the main focus of the latter days of the struggle. The beginning of the tale centers around Stalin, Khrushchev, and other Soviet leaders as they search for ways to spread revolutionary communism and consider how best to challenge the west. This is where the revisionist theories are destroyed. It's impossible to read Gaddis' account of the partition of Germany and Berlin, the original plans for the UN, or Soviet actions in Hungary, Poland, and Czechoslovakia and maintain a belief in US blame or culpability for the war.

Gaddis makes several particularly interesting points throughout the book. First, he explains why some presidents are allowed to get away with lying, deceit, and subterfuge while others (Nixon) are pilloried for similar behavior. The difference hinges on whether the action in question could be, if exposed to the light of day, be justified as necessary for American interests. Gaddis writes:

Where Nixon went wrong was not in his use of secrecy to conduct foreign policy -- diplomacy had always required that -- but in failing to distinguish between actions he could have justified if exposed and those he could never have justified. Americans excused the lies Eisenhower and Kennedy told because the operations they covered up turned out to be defensible when uncovered. So too did the methods by which Nixon brought about the China opening, the SALT agreements, and the Vietnam cease-fire: the results, in those instances, made reliance on secrecy, even deception, seem reasonable.

But what about the secret bombing of a sovereign state? Or the attempted overthrow of a democratically elected government? Or the bugging of American citizens without legal authorization? Or burglaries carried out with presidential authorization? Or the organization of a conspiracy, inside the White House itself, to hide what had happened?

These actions, impossible to justify in pursuit of US interest, would not be accepted by the public if conducted openly; thus, when their clandestine pursuit was revealed, they were even more controversial. Gaddis' argument here helps explain why there has been little public outcry or dismay at revelations of NSA domestic unwarranted surveillance. Americans can understand and accept that such actions might be necessary to protect the country from international terrorism and that such a program might need to be conducted secretly.

Gaddis also highlights the need for morality and ideologies in the conduct of foreign policy. While the realpolitik of Nixon and Kissinger was able to manage the Cold War, it took the ideological challenge and leadership of Reagan, Pope John Paul II, and Walesa to bring the conflict to an end (Gaddis downplays the role that Gorbachev willingly and actively played in opening Russia, ending the Cold War, and dismantling the Soviet Union). Realism may protect interests, but it often does little to advance and promote them and just as often entrenches the status quo for lack of a vision. In this view, the Cold War should, in fact, be fundamentally understood as a battle of ideas and ideologies often played out in violence.

This new history is written on a grand scale, covering all of the Cold War in a mere 266 pages. It is an excellent read, and should be interesting for academics, historians, and interested lay people alike. Highly recommended for anyone who wants to understand the defining political contest of the 20th century.

Tuesday, June 06, 2006

The Corporation

My review of the film The Corporation appears the most recent issue of Political Communication. Here it is:

The Corporation, produced, directed, and edited by Mark Achbar, Jennifer Abbott and Joel Bakan. Zeitgeist Films, www.zeitgeist.com. 145 minutes. 2004.

Reviewed by Seth Weinberger

If corporations are considered, for legal purposes, to be a person, what kind of person are they? This is the central question considered in The Corporation. The answer, arrived at rather early in the film, is: A psychopath. Taking a pseudo-psycho-analytic look at the pathologies and purpose of big business and using numerous people, from Michael Moore to Noam Chomsky to a ex-CEO of a carpet maker-turned environmental activist, The Corporation concludes that its subject is a greedy, amoral entity, bent on acquiring as much profit as possible and not caring one whit about anything or anyone else. Unfortunately, what could have been a powerful argument about the bifurcated nature of business is made in a context where alternative views are either not presented or are given in a manner that makes them appear laughable and are easily dismissed. Little serious thought is given to any positive aspects of modern capitalism and even less time is spent considering any viewpoint other than the one espoused by the filmmakers. Sadly, this seems to be the modus operandi of many recently released “documentaries” which are more interested in presenting a political attack than carefully examining an issue.

The slant begins with an opening montage of corporate logos and a voice-over declaring that “like the Church, the Monarchy, and the Communist Party, the corporation is today’s dominant power.” First, such a claim seems to ignore the power of governments, which still have the power to regulate, police, and punish the businesses that operate within their borders. Furthermore, drawing a comparison between powers intended to dominate and control all aspects of life with one trying to sell ice cream or pesticide seems sketchy at best. However, this statement clearly sets out the main argument: that corporations are all-powerful, insidious, amoral entities that operate unchecked in our daily lives and produce nothing but ill consequences.

In support of this argument, The Corporation brings out numerous experts and scholars to attest to the mental state and nature of business firms and to lay out their “diagnosis.” In their opinion, corporations exhibit “callous unconcern for the feelings of others,” and “reckless disregard for the safety of others.” As evidence of the harm that corporations cause to those around them, the film points out behaviors including layoffs, union busting, use of sweatshops, production of dangerous products, pollution, and the practice of “the science of exploitation.” A former FBI psychologist then pronounces that corporations can be viewed as the prototypical psychopath. Noam Chomsky denounces firms as “monstrous.” The CEO-turned-environmental activist decries that companies, such as the one he once headed, commit “intergenerational tyranny” and “taxation without representation” by passing off the costs of their environmental “plunder” to future generations. However, the asset column of the ledger sheet of such taxation is far from empty. Should we spare our children the costs of modern business by denying them the benefits as well? Would our descendants prefer to be given a clean slate by starting in a new Stone Age and reinventing the wheel, the car, the airplane, and plastics?

Presenting the negative aspects of business without considering the concomitant positives and benefits is a standard tool of the film. How should one weigh the production of Agent Orange against the impact that modern fertilizers and pesticides have had in the developing world? Are the workers in factories in South East Asia being exploited or are they being given opportunities to better their lives? The Corporation is uninterested in such difficult questions, preferring to focus only on abuses and harms.

The assault on modern business continues with a segment on the evils of privatization, as Chomsky defines the selling of once-public goods as “taking a public institution and giving it to an unaccountable tyranny.” Chomsky goes on to argue that the reason certain goods should remain in public hands is that a public company is able to run at a loss in order to produce other benefits, such as jobs, which are a “good thing.” Absent is any discussion of who will bear that loss or how to account for higher prices for the public good. In fact, quite surprisingly for a documentary about business, there is almost no serious economics discussed at all.

The lack of even a semblance of alternative views undermines the argument and efficacy of the movie. While Milton Friedman is prominently touted in the credits, presumably to provide a veneer of fairness, his appearances are limited to very short explanations of very basic issues, as when he informs us that externalities are costs borne by third parties. Most of the information that runs counter to the film’s arguments comes in the form of cheesy 1950s public service films and sitcoms that tell us that “business is good.” An analyst who makes the not-so-uncommon argument for trading of pollution rights is mocked with a pastoral reference to the commons of pre-industrial England. Of course, there is no mention of the collective action problems that prompted the establishment of property rights, such as the aptly named tragedy of the commons.

The movie also buys into the anti-advertising myth being promulgated that consumers are little more than gullible suckers, waiting to be told by all-powerful corporations what to buy, eat, wear, and listen to. In blasting the role of public relations firms in overwhelming the free choice of the public, the movie points out that one firm, whose CEO is heard in a voice-over defending its work as assisting people in making informed decisions, helped the Philip Morris Company organize the National Smokers’ Alliance in order to fight anti-smoking regulations and aided the Canadian logging and mining firms against environmental groups, among other listed “evils.” There is not the slightest acknowledgement of the public policy debates around smoking laws or conservation. The film makers are right and anyone who disagrees is not only wrong, but clearly evil.

The height, or low point, of the film’s willful ignorance towards any opposing viewpoint comes at the end, when Michael Moore expresses his amazement that corporate America allows him to practice his trade. After all, his movies and views repeatedly express his disgust with capitalism and the corporate world. Why would corporations allow Moore’s films and books to insult them? Moore chalks this up to what he terms the “greed flaw” of modern capitalism, which is that in the quest to maximize profits, businesses will happily sell the rope that will be used to hang themselves. It does not seem to occur to Moore, or to the film makers, that such freedom is an inherent component, and a necessary one, of a modern capitalistic system. The very same Milton Friedman whom the movie uses in a very limited fashion addressed this very question in his book Capitalism and Freedom, in which he wrote that economic and political freedom are inextricably linked and limiting one will inherently and inevitably deny the other. Friedman specifically discussed the role of opposition, arguing that capitalism is the only system that can protect the rights of dissenters, precisely because it is value neutral. Where socialism or communism strive to produce equality, at a cost Friedman argues of political freedom, capitalism produces what is desired by the marketplace without regard to ideology. Thus, “one feature of a free society is surely the freedom of individuals to advocate and propagandize openly for a radical change in the structure of the society,” and that “in a capitalist society, it is only necessary to convince a few wealthy people to get funds to launch any idea, however strange, and there are many such persons, many independent foci of support” (Friedman, 1982). What alternative to a free market democracy would Moore, or the film makers for that matter, prefer? We do not know, as the other possibilities are not presented, or even discussed; we are only told that capitalism is evil. This is even more distressing given that Friedman appears in the film. Certainly, he could have been asked about this? A debate between Moore and Friedman would have lent some degree of objectivity and credibility to the film. Even asking Friedman to address Moore’s argument would have been an improvement. Unfortunately, no such exchange occurs.

The strongest points of the film come when the directors move away from presenting their opinions and instead refer to the real world of business. For example, in one scene, the CEO of a British energy company who finds that his home is being picketed by environmental activists goes out to bring the protestors coffee and snacks. He then engages them in discussion, in which both sides become enlightened of the others’ opinions. Here we see the most interesting example of the film’s premise: a CEO willing to admit that his company occasionally behaves badly and who is ready to speak to protesters about how that behavior can be improved. However, this seems to undermine the very argument that directors are trying to make. Why does the CEO wish to improve the environmental record of his company? Because he is himself an environmentalist? Perhaps. But more likely it is that he has perceived that environmentalism is good business. As Adam Smith wrote: “It is not from the benevolence of the butcher, the brewer, or the baker that we expect our dinner, but from their regard to their self-love, and never talk to them of our own necessities but of their advantages.”

The Corporation does provide some interesting anecdotes in which corporations have behaved badly. The squashing of a story written by two investigative reporters about the risks of bovine growth hormone in milk by Fox News is one such example. There is no doubt that corporations do not always behave according to the public interest, and that the drive for profits often causes businesses to break laws. But such a revelation is not surprising. In fact, nothing in The Corporation is. Except, of course, for the lack of any serious discussion of the issues it purports to address. Even a tip of the hat to some alternative arguments could have made this movie an interesting examination of the problems surrounding the modern American incarnation of capitalism. As it stands, The Corporation is nothing more than a vehicle for the film makers, Michael Moore, Howard Zinn, Naomi Klein, and Noam Chomsky to vent their hatred of capitalism. That is not sufficient enticement to watch, even for those who share that point of view.

Thursday, June 01, 2006

Book Review: America at the Crossroads

OK...I've finished the first book on my summer reading list and I thought it might be fun if I provided quick little reviews as I make my way through the list.

America at the Crossroads: Democracy, Power, and the Neoconservative Legacy, Francis Fukuyama (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2006).

As far as I'm concerned, this is the best book out to date for understanding how and why the US got involved in the Iraq War. The much-ballyhooed The Assassins' Gate isn't nearly as good, mainly because Packer doesn't seem to understand the nuances in the political philosophies of the main actors; for example, Packer lumps all of the realists together under the "neoconservative" umbrella, including Rumsfeld and Cheney, which just doesn't make sense. Fukuyama, on the other hand, clearly explains who the neocons are, and how their ideas got corrupted (by the neocons themselves) into the Iraq War. Fukuyama walks us through how the security needs of the US have transformed, and how the country needs to develop a new focus on development.

The last two chapters are especially interesting, as Fukuyama discusses how the US can develop a new type of multilateralism designed to alleviate some of the problems that arise within the UN and other international institutions and other multilateral fora. He recommends, along the lines of my thoughts in this post and this one, that the time has come to build a new institutional structure outside of the UN that can complement the UN as well as backstop it when the chips are down. Fukuyama discusses upgrading NATO by giving it more authority over US actions in exchange for streamlining its military decision making processes, as well as greater reliance on other regional institutions, such as ASEAN or the Community of Democracies.

I can't really agree with this argument more. The pure realist world is no more...existing institutions have already truncated the space in which true international anarchy dominates. However, as I've noted many times, the desire for inclusiveness and equality in international politics leads to a world based on sovereignty that is incapable of dealing with the serious threats to international security. The time has come for states that share a vision of the future of both international and domestic politics to create a new international institutional framework that can be both legitimate and effective. It won't be easy. But it must be done.